[On the self-censorship front, while discussing the issue of whether the Alliance for True Democracy document dump is forged or authentic, I compare the leaked audio file--which would seem almost impossible to fabricate--with the alleged minutes for the same meeting. In the process I unkindly take the piss of an Anglophone supporter of the democracy movement. I identified him by name because there was some glitch in how he was identified in the minutes that I felt needed to be addressed. Now I think the caravan has moved on and in the interests of Anglophone comity I have removed his name, as well as the name of another Anglophone supporter who also allegedly made some incendiary comments that were extensively retailed in the pro-Beijing Hong Kong press and blogs. CH 10-24-14]
Anybody who does not start his day by placing his brains in
a sack and vigorously slapping them against a nearby wall presumably realizes
that the current agitation in Hong Kong is not just about students. It represents the culmination of years of
struggle against encroaching PRC control by liberal, pro-democracy, and
anti-Beijing activists, many of them adults and quite a few of them members of
Hong Kong’s professional, political, and intellectual elite.
The annual Tiananmen commemoration begat the Article 23
concern group (security law), which begat the Article 45 Concern Group
(universal suffrage), which begat the Civic Party, the Pan-Democratic political faction in Legco,
which begat successful agitation against the proposed security law, which begat
the fight against national education reforms, which begat Scholarism and
energized the Hong Kong Federation of Students, which begat Occupy Hong Kong
With Peace & Love (hereinafter OHK) which begat Hong Kong 2020, which begat
the July 1 unofficial referendum on Hong Kong’s future, which begat the
Alliance for True Democracy and set the stage for the current struggle fight against
the government reforms announced by the National People’s Congress in Beijing.
The students are out front now because they are key foot
soldiers in the effort; and the adults don’t feel that the time is right for
them to mount the stage.
With this context, my expectations for the
student-government dialogue were not high and, on paper at least (read the
transcript only) my expectations were not disappointed.
It will be interesting to see if this event actually “moves
the needle” (American political parlance for an outcome that actually change
support levels rather than merely reinforce existing views). My impression is that it won’t.
The HKSAR team did an OK job with its basic theme of “5
million Hong Kongers will vote for chief executive in 2017; isn’t that great?”
The students on the other hand were all “Hong Kong is
totally FUBAR, crisis crisis crisis.
Also tear gas.”
I’m suspicious of “corev” (another portmanteau coinage of
mine, for “color revolution”) type scripted political movements, and I get my
full daily ration of self-righteous teenage impertinence in my own home, so I’m
carrying my biases into the analysis.
In any case, I found the students strident and
complainy. They were also,
transparently, coached on their tricksy rhetorical moves and sealawyerly
parsing of the legal issues, a fact confirmed by the SCMP.
If the pro-democracy movement wanted to score some political
points, the students could have offered some “we love Hong Kong, help us save
Hong Kong” emotive rhetoric. Alex Chow,
reportedly prone to moist-eyed appeals, could have extended his arms to the
government team and implored, “We are your children! Help us, protect us, don’t beat us, don't teargas
us, and don’t sacrifice our future in order to please Beijing.”
Well, maybe if the next dialogue is coached by
communications profs instead of polisci profs we’ll get more of that.
But I suspect that the pro-dem forces understand that this
struggle is not going to be won in the McCluhanesque “cool” confines of the
debating hall; it’ll be won with feet on the street, and maybe it’s time for
some poor, brave student to get clonked on the head so the whole white-“hot”
outrage machine can start cranking again.
As to what the strategy is—what the students will do, and
what the constellation of pro-democracy forces will do in order to support and
exploit the student effort—is a matter of some interest.
A recent document dump by pro-Beijing forces purports to
provide a window on the pro-dems strategizing through the meeting minutes of
the Alliance for True Democracy, a grouping of pro-democratic organizations engaged
in Occupy-related issues.
I will provide the necessary caveats. The whole dump could be an elaborate forgery
and I’m pretty sure I’ve seen some denials from some people concerning the
accuracy of the remarks attributed to them. [The AFTD declined to comment on the authenticity of any of the documents--CH 10/23/14]
One of the more eye-catching documents is dated September 5,
and is allegedly the minutes of a meeting organized by the Civic Party and Hong Kong 2020’s “English Language Group” on the theme of “The
Way Forward From the Younger Peoples’ Perspective”.
The meeting convened to showcase speakers from Scholarism
and the Hong Kong Federation of Students.
It was chaired by Margaret Ng, a barrister and elder stateswoman of the
Hong Kong democracy movement.
Alleged comments by YYY provided plenty
of “US black hands fomenting Hong Kong chaos” grist for the pro-Beijing
propaganda mills.
I believe YYY has denied that his contribution, as
recorded in the minutes, was that
“He had reported to
his superiors during his last trip past to the United States about the current
state of affairs in Hong Kong and the development of the work I am advancing in
Hong Kong. Washington wishes to continue
to promote civic and social forces in Hong Kong so that a movement in for
democratic demands can be achieved, especially in order to promote the vanguard
role of the younger generation in social movements. Currently the struggle of various forces with
the critical point, it would be very easy for things to blow up… The United States will protect the student
leaders, including provisions for them to go abroad to study and reside.”
Maybe a forgery, maybe the truth, maybe baseless
braggadocio, maybe an English-language cock-up as whoever took the notes
inadvertently stripped out YYY’s nuances and qualifiers.
Indeed, if the documents are genuine, the
linguistic/secretarial issues were rather fraught. A member of the Sociology Department from
Hong Kong Baptist University brought along “a Muslim refugee from the Middle
East” who purportedly said he could “summon political refugees in Hong Kong to
assist Occupy Central and, if conditions were ripe, could establish an
extremist (极端) Muslim organization in Hong Kong”.
This was entered into the minutes without comment. Hope what
he really said (or meant) was “activist
Muslim organization”.
Despite these rather obvious flaws, the documents feel real,
primarily because there are no grotesque smoking guns. Just pages and pages of minutiae that are
interesting primarily because they illustrate the extent of the planning and
handwringing that has gone into the Occupy exercise and some hints as to how
the movement will unfold in the next few weeks.
In fact, the one significant omission I’ve been able to
identify in the minutes seems to support the case that they are genuine.
I shall explain.
The purpose of the meeting was to build bridges to
non-Chinese worthies sympathetic to the democracy movement, including XXX.
According to the Chinese-language minutes, when given a
chance to comment, XXX said:
19. XXX: 应该多关注如何保护香港的自由制度，尽量不去触怒中央，如果要真正民主，则必须推翻中国共产党才性。
19． XXX: More attention should be
paid as to how to protect the free system of Hong Kong. All efforts must be made not to provoke the
center (the PRC, presumably). If we want
real democracy, then it would only do to overthrow the Communist Party of
China.
Say wha?
As it happens, this September 5 meeting is also the only one
for which audio was obtained. Whoever
clandestinely recorded the meeting frequently turned off his recorder and, if
impressions are to be trusted, occasionally rolled himself up in cellophane and
flung himself down a stairwell. Just
kidding. Audio quality ranges from
acceptable to inaudible. Audio for about
half of the meeting seems to have made its way onto the Web.
Anyway, a lengthy comment from XXX made it on the
tape en clair. The key graf, as they say, is this:
“The bigger picture in
all of this in the last few weeks has become very clear that activists in Hong
Kong on the political front are aiming too low.
They should not be trying to fix the Hong Kong system without trying to
fix the mainland political system. And
since the mainland government believes that Hong Kong is a potential hotbed for
subverting the one-party state, why don’t you make it so? Why don’t you actually tackle the problem. Because democracy is on the verge of coming to
the mainland…and will bring down the government. The longer we’re talking about Hong Kong
problems and not about the master problem, we’re not going to fix the subsidiary
problem and we need to refocus on that—not just you, of course, but the whole
pan-democratic movement has stalled out trying to get things done locally and
needs to reposition itself as the base for subverting the one party system in
China…”
I think this moment is worthy of the pen of Chekhov. With the invincible self-regard reserved for
a wealthy, liberally-inclined, university-educated Anglophone, XXX lectures the rapt Celestials on the
proper strategy for total democratic revolution in Asia …
…to the polite bemusement or silent horror of his audience,
some of whom have risked their livelihoods, their reputations, and even their
physical well-being for almost two decades in order to oppose an implacable
enemy who has fought them at every turn and riddled their organizations with
spies and informers, one of whom is even now, without their knowledge,
recording an exhortation for their vulnerable organization to abandon its
carefully crafted strategy of civil opposition to pursue a program of open
sedition against the People’s Republic of China…
When XXX concludes, Margaret Ng moves on with a jocular
aside about “March march march to Beijing!” to a ripple of laughter. I can also imagine her turning to pat the arm
of the secretary and murmur, “No need for that lot to go into the minutes.”
The other minutes in the dump presumably reflect the
contents of meetings conducted in Cantonese by the various Alliance partners,
so one would hope that accuracy would be less of an issue. However, inaccuracies in the minutes by
omission, commission, accident, or design are clearly a potential hazard. So please mentally insert the phrase
“allegedly” in all instances below in the event, which seems to me unlikely,
that the dump turns out to be a forgery en
toto or, somewhat more plausibly, en
parte.
In other words, caveat HK news junkies.
The dump, as preserved on the Brothers Democracy
website is about four dozen files, mostly scans, including three audio files
and four pages of scans of minutes for the September 5 meeting, and scanned
minutes for the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements
of China (hereinafter, the Democratic Alliance)’s Alliance for True Democracy's 9th, 11th,
13th, 14th, 21st, 22nd, 23rd,
24th, 25th, and 27th meeting; two “6 Party”
meetings (an expanded Democratic Alliance meeting with student, OHK, and other
representatives); internal polling on people’s attitudes toward Occupy Central
for the period October 10-19; a telephone notification list dated September 10
(marked “Secret’) for marshals for the Occupy Central action anticipated on
October 1; an undated list of 近期 i.e. near
term meetings for period of September 26 through October 8.
Translating the entire dump is beyond my capacity, anyway,
my interest, as is digging into the earlier minutes (9/11/13/14), which date to
the first half of the year and focus on the July 1 referendum.
So here’s my takeaway on what the later documents appear to
tell us about the strategizing running up to the NPC’s August 31 announcement,
and the subsequent brouhaha.
One of the purposes of the July 1 voting exercise was to
undercut the HKSAR government’s report to the NPC characterizing popular
attitudes to committee nomination, which apparently described local opinion as
divided and thereby gave the NPC Standing Committee the leeway to give decisive
weight to “national interest” over
“local preference”.
N.B. In contrast to the “Beijing reneged” line fed to
journalists, the internal line as described by Alan Leung was that the HKSAR
had “misled” the NPC.
Unless the report is repudiated, the pro-dems don’t have a
legal leg to stand on within the framework of the Basic Law and the NPC; what’s
more surprising is that they recognize that they don’t even have a particularly
strong legal case for direct nomination under the “international standards” for
democracy the students are currently trumpeting.
Claudia Mo, a Civic Party stalwart and ex-AFP reporter (which
might explain why she has appeared a few times in AFP’s Occupy coverage as a
quotable notable), observed that “international standards” seemed unclear.
Benny Tai, whose job is presumably to make an airtight legal
case for the action, instead observed that international practices don’t demand
popular nomination. In fact, the UK doesn’t have direct nomination, as a
HKSAR representative pointed out during the student dialogue. The key stipulation
is a matter of principle: Do citizens have real choice? Do the candidates represent different needs
and backgrounds? The best he could say
was that popular nomination would unequivocally meet international standards,
not that it was the only way.
Even more problematically, perhaps, the UK opted out of the Article
25 of the Universal Covenant of Civil and Political Rights for universal
suffrage and direct elections for Hong Kong during its merrily undemocratic
colonial years, and the PRC succeeded to that treatment when it took over in
1997. The OHK legal case rests on the
rather frail legal reed that Beijing inadvertently surrendered its reservation
by holding legislative elections.
And that is the best that the cream of the Hong Kong legal
profession and the NED—whose job it is to twist Beijing’s knickers on these
kinds of treaties—has been able to come up with after over a decade of
determined lawyering.
Remarkably, Benny Tai also voiced the concern that another popular
referendum might be necessary to legitimate OHK’s demands and allow it to
achieve standing as a negotiator, another tip that the case is not a legal slam
dunk. (I might point out parenthetically
that I approve of this state of mind, since otherwise we’re left with the
metaphysical, undemocratic, and dare I say borderline-putschlike idea that the
students can claim the right to speak for “Hong Kong” simply by putting feet on
the street.)
So the struggle is in its essence political, not legal.
Without a solid legal strategy, therefore, OHK has turned to
a political strategy, that is, to create a rumpus in Hong Kong sufficient to discredit
the HKSAR report and reopen the issue.
It was generally understand that rumpus would have to reach
unprecedented levels, beyond the traditional complaining and legal marches,
which the government could shrug off.
It was decided that civil disobedience was needed; but it
had to be packaged in a way that did not alienate Hong Kong public opinion.
This of course, meant Students! The younger, the sweeter, the neater, the
more studious the better.
Joshua Wong
and Alex Chow participated in the meetings, and demonstrated an unambiguous
enthusiasm for civil disobedience. Chow
commented that most of the 500 arrested during demonstrations in July were
eager for another action.
But it also required an adequate pretext.
Therefore, prior to the August 31 NPC Standing Committee
announcement, there was a lot of handwringing about what it might say and not say, and whether it could be
sufficiently spun to justify an avalanche of righteous student indignation on
the streets of Hong Kong.
In the event, the NPC Standing Committee announcement, by
eschewing any explicit commitment to a timetable for further liberalization,
provided the pro-dem movement enough daylight to employ the hyperbolic
declaration that the NPC had “obliterated” （抹杀）democracy in Hong Kong.
It looks to me that the pro-dem action was a foregone
conclusion, not because of the NPC’s act of democratic homicide, but because of
the threat that the Hong Kong electorate might find itself quite beguiled with
a cleverly-run 2017 Chief Executive electoral campaign with some attractive
candidates, and find itself reconciled to the leisurely tweaking of the
nomination process according to Beijing’s preferences and timetable.
The decision to adopt a politically risky campaign of civil
disobedience dictated certain tactics.
The first, as noted above, was to use students as the
vanguard.
Second, of course, was to obtain favorable media
coverage. Unfortunately, this ploy
failed miserably, as the international press turned its Sauron-like critical eye
on the movement with the strength of a thousand blazing suns…Haha. Just kidding.
Coverage from outlets that were not Beijing-bespoke was favorable to an
almost embarrassing degree.
The third was the interesting and dicey issue of how to
handle legal and moral liability, especially for students (and also adults,
natch) who might be up for a civil disobedience misdemeanor and a night in the
clink, but not the resume stain of a felony conviction or an ugly lawsuit.
I think this goes a long way toward explaining the awkward
formulation of “conveners” (召集人) instead of “leaders” to
characterize the activities of a movement which is, clearly, carefully planned
and led. If participants show up as a
matter of individual choice, and not in response to instructions from “leaders”,
then the worst that happens is a minor charge for civil disobedience for the
kid on the spot, not a charge of “conspiracy”, “subversion” or, if when
property damage occurs or somebody gets hurt or worse, negligent or criminal endangerment
or whatever the relevant Hong Kong term is, for some leader.
In addition to event marshals—who, I presume, in this
context, are there not to prevent illegal behavior, but to document who did
what and got arrested and hauled off where—there are several mentions of the OHK legal team standing by to handle the
details of detention.
School officials, it might be noted, have balanced their
support for student activism with a clear concern that their students do not
get caught in the middle of some riot, violent police action or, worst case,
Tiananmen style horror.
What to do after the students hit the streets and,
presumably, continue to earn the love and support of the Hong Kong people
through their moral authority (to quote Margaret Ng) or via the pity they
elicit by acting as pinatas for triad goons and/or impatient citizenry is an
interesting and as yet unanswered question on the morning after the dialogue
and the students’ well-advertised “disappointment” with the outcome.
An interesting hint was offered by the List of Recent
Meetings:
Meeting 3, October 2,
2014 AM: Participants “The Three Occupy Guys”, representatives of Scholarism,
representatives of the HKFS, some Legco representatives.
Topic: Discuss the
arrangements for Lee Cheuk-yan to take over after the “Three Occupy Central
Guys” go behind the scenes.
Lee Cheuk-yan is chairman of the Labour Party and a Legco
representative; he’s also General Secretary of the Hong Kong Confederation of
Trade Unions and therefore, perhaps, has the ability to supplement the students
with a broader collection of adult activists from the political and labor
fields.
Lee is a determined anti-Beijing warrior.
Unlike the students, Lee also carries more than a bit of
baggage.
As revealed by the Jimmy Lai leak this summer, Lee got HK1.5
million from Lai; since Hong Kong law requires that elected officials declare
contributions over HK$10,000, this earned Lee a perhaps politicized though,
unfortunately, apparently quite justified visit from the Independent Commission
Against Corruption. Lee was apparently able to smooth over most of the
awkwardness by belatedly depositing the money with his political party.
As for his power base, the Hong Kong Confederation of Trade
Unions, it is not to be confused with the Hong Kong Federation of Trade Unions,
a pro-Beijing outfit about twice its size.
The HKCTU is anti-Beijing and has therefore attracted the favorable
attention of NGOs looking for an anti-Communist counterweight.
The most persuasive evidence that the pro-dems are indeed
contemplating putting Lee in the front lines (and indirectly, very strong
support for the proposition that the Democracy Alliance document dump is
genuine) was a massive rip job on Lee in the pro-Beijing press last week
(which China Daily, usually a stranger to Hong Kong labor reporting, also saw fit to publicize),
backed up by an equally massive dump of surreptitiously obtained documents.
Most of them concern the HKCTU’s relationship with the National
Endowment for Democracy which, according to its annual report, had granted $139,
152 to the HKCTU via one of its subsidiaries, the American Center for
International Labor Solidarity. That’s a
significant chunk of the NED’s annual Hong Kong funding of $600,000.
The ACILS’s core mission is apparently to fight Commie trade
unions abroad, and the HKCTU has been a favorite beneficiary of its largesse
even before 1997. The dump reportedly
included e-mails and agreements detailing over $13 million in payments to the
HKCTU over the last 20 years.
The e-mails also revealed that in response to the Jimmy Lai donation
brouhaha, the Brussels-based International Trade Union Confederation stopped a
deal with the HKCTU that apparently involved HK$60,000 per month contribution for “administrative
expenses”.
Dox enthusiasts can go to the Twitter feed of 旺角脑场起底组 @mkccwelld for a link
to the zipped files.
It will be interesting to see whether Lee Cheuk-yan does shoulder a
central role in the next stage of Hong Kong Occupy, given the current rain of poo
Beijing is directing his way—and of course, whether the pro-dem media does its
usual yeoman job in downplaying or ignoring the story.
Assuming that Occupy Hong Kong is able to keep up the heat on the HKSAR
through Lee or via some other individual or organization, the focus of activity
would in principle switch to the “Three Guys” in the background: Benny Tai,
whom I think of as “Mr. Outside”, Reverend Chu Yiu-ming, the moral authority,
and Chan Kin Man who, I speculate, is “Mr. Inside”.
Chan Kin Man apparently is an important guy to Beijing, at
least in his own estimation, per an August 2013 profile by the New York Times’ Didi Kirsten Tatlow*:
For
about a decade, Chinese Communist Party officials and scholars regularly
visited Chan Kin-man, an expert on civil society in China and advocate of
democracy in Hong Kong, for advice on
this former British colony that returned to Chinese rule in 1997… “I told them,
60 percent of people want democracy in Hong Kong; 80 percent of young people
want democracy. The tide is coming in. There is something coming,” said Mr.
Chan… About four weeks ago, the visitors brought “a very clear signal,” said
Mr. Chan, gesturing at two green-upholstered, rococo-style armchairs where he said
they sat. “They came here to advise me not to support Occupy Central.”
…
From years of
meeting with officials, Mr. Chan believes Beijing’s bureaucrats, who think in
terms of quotas and plans, estimated China would be economically developed
enough around 2020 to consider greater democracy there, too.
“They
believed that by 2020 China would be a ‘xiaokang shehui”’ — a moderately
prosperous society, said Mr. Chan. “And then we can talk political reform in
China, too.”
“They treat
2017 as a starting point. But to us, it’s an end point,” he said. “Free speech,
an independent judiciary, a free press, for China, I can wait. But in Hong Kong
we are in deep trouble if we wait.”
“So to me,
they should take the first step” and grant the democracy many here crave, he
said. “It’s very bold, yes. They have to get used to that. To two political
parties in China!”
As I left, he
called out: “Visit me in jail!”
I suspect Chan sees his job to serve as the respected and
respectable interlocutor with Beijing about the future of Hong Kong, speaking
from a position of moral and intellectual authority and with millions of
democracy-craving Hong Kongers at his back.
So here’s what I imagine the most optimistic OHK scenario to
be:
Students come out and win the PR battle so activists can
stay on the streets, engage in civil disobedience, and escalate pressure on the
government without alienating the public; Lee emerges as the leader of a
popular front movement of union/civil society/older students that does the
dirty work of maintaining an atmosphere of crisis and giving the lie to the
HKSAR’s protestations that sentiment is not overwhelmingly and determinedly
against the nominating committees and the functional constituencies; the HKSAR
government capitulates, writes a report on the broad unpopularity of anything
except popular nomination, and becomes the democracy movement’s advocate before
the NPC; the CCP throws up its hands, sends its envoys to work out a
face-saving deal with Chan behind the scenes (like direct nomination in 2020), and everybody
sings kumbaya.
Maybe.
I wonder if Professor Chan will instead discover that it is
the rich, rather than the youth, that hold the upper hand in Hong Kong and that
the broad road of co-option and appeasement of Hong Kong’s politicians runs
parallel to the steep and narrow track toward true democracy that he is
encouraging the CCP to climb.
Anyway, time will tell.
*Tatlow's profile includes another PRC=Nazis jab like her
“questioning significance of Tiananmen equivalent to Holocaust denial”
piece. Hmm. I get the feeling Tatlow is now on the China
bashing farm team, and will be called up to the big leagues to fill the morally
indignant Euroliberal slot when it’s time for NYT to totally get in PRC’s grill
and play the “You’re Nazis!” delegitimization card.
"才性"? Looks like a typo and it should be "才行“, no?
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