Remarkably, given the considerable energy and intellectual power exhibited in America's non-stop overseas jiggery-pokery, US geopolitical strategy has abounded in stupid policies.
And, in my opinion, that's no accident. I think it has to do with the mindset of the interventionist caucus in the US foreign policy government and private sector apparatus, which has been dragging or guiding the US government into wars (and enhancing its own power, profits, and influence) for generations. The gold standard for ham-fisted intervention is still Iraq War II, but it seems there is an inexhaustible supply of wonks, pundits, advocates, and agitators within the Beltway ready to be "heroes in error" for the next US crusade.
A few points about interventionism in the Age of Obama:
First, I think initial failure in foreign affairs strategy
in the political and diplomatic sphere, and the subsequent need for escalation
into the military realm in order to paper over US failure and preserve
credibility is a feature, not a bug, for the US interventionist foreign policy
crowd. If you want to be
generous, you
could say that obvious flaws and risks of foreign policy
adventurism—like installing
a demonstrably incapable, fascist-larded government in Kyiv over the
strong and
understandable objections of Russia and, for that matter, a healthy
percentage of the population in Ukraine's eastern demographic and
economic heartland—are simply ignored because the hardliners assume
that some not clearly defined but invincible combination of money,
power,
sanctions, coercive diplomacy and, indispensably, utter callousness to
the
sufferings of the subject population a.k.a. “Strategic Patience” will be
sufficient to overcome the defects of even the most irresponsible
policy.
I am not inclined to be generous. Syria and Ukraine look
like classic examples of “Let’s get the US government on the hook for a
confrontational policy. The escalation
will take care of itself.” In other
words, the policies were designed to paint President Obama into a corner and
commit US prestige to fundamentally unviable policies that can only be rescued
by escalating to the military solution that the designers of the policy wanted
in the first place.
Second, I think
President Obama knows this. He got
burned on Afghanistan, where the surge turned a disaster that he could have
turned the page on into an incubus that sucked life out of his administration
FOR THE WHOLE EIGHT YEARS. He
also got
burned on Libya, a classic “camel’s nose into the tent” or, to be less
Orientalist, the classic “no fly zone turns into unrestricted air
warfare”
operation that transformed Libya into a failed state. The Iran
rapprochement, if--and it's still a big if--it succeeds, has been
conducted in defiance of the interventionists and will probably be the
only part of President Obama's legacy that he can and will genuinely
cherish.
Three, it’s kind of nice that the US populace seems rather
down on the “tough choices” liberal/neocon interventionist Beltway gang. It’s not just the foreigners upon whom we
inflict our policies that hate us. Presumably,
this gives President Obama some aid and comfort when he decides to resist the
advice of the self-serving foreign policy advocates who have embroiled his
administration in a series of miserable confrontations from Afghanistan to
Libya to Syria to Ukraine and endure the barrage of criticism their allies and
acolytes unleash on the op-ed pages and on the cable networks.
Fourth, unfortunately, political wars, especially foreign
policy debates, are fought inside the Beltway, not in the nationwide democratic
arena. To paraphrase Napoleon
on the
Pope, “How many defense contractors, bespoke lobbyists, doctrinaire
think
tankers, and op-ed writers do the American public have?” Resisting the
interventionists, and their desire to maximize their influence and power
and
validate their their well-paid but not particularly successful
existence, and taking across the spectrum political and diplomatic heat
from domestic and foreign interests eager to get the US on the hook
militarily to advance their agendas, is
not going to score President Obama many useful political points.
Realization of this situation, I believe, has reflected itself in the President's morally questionable decision to let the interventionists' regime change shenanigans play out in places like Syria and Ukraine, while withholding the final military consummation they most desperately crave.
Realization of this situation, I believe, has reflected itself in the President's morally questionable decision to let the interventionists' regime change shenanigans play out in places like Syria and Ukraine, while withholding the final military consummation they most desperately crave.
Fifth, I think much of the torrent of lame-duck dumping on
President Obama is misguided, cynical, or in the service of Hillary
Clinton. Criticism of President Obama is
typified by the Ian Bremmer tweet: “Bush: a leader that didn’t think; Obama: a thinker that doesn't lead”. The actual distinction
is that President Obama was not “led”, led by the foreign policy apparatchiks
of the same ilk that “led” George W. Bush around by the nose. It is interesting, to say the least, that so
many foreign policy types, for various reasons ranging, I imagine, from
institutional self interest to advocacy to carrying Hillary Clinton’s water,
are following the anti-Obama script.
Sixth, I’m afraid that, unlike President Obama, President
Hillary Clinton will love to play the interventionist game because of the
authority, power, and political initiative pursuing craptacular but violent
foreign policy initiatives give to the White House. In fact, given the Clintonian instinct for
outflanking their adversaries by adopting even more extreme forms of their
positions, things could get a lot worse.
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