Thursday, June 02, 2005

Jay Lefkowitz, Michael Horowitz, and the Christian Conservative Agenda for North Korea

The New York Sun reports that Jay Lefkowitz will probably be named special envoy for North Korea human rights.

Actually, the story was first leaked almost one month ago.

Via Buzzflash, the first murmurings concerning Lefkowitz's possible appointment appeared on May 5:

The Chosun Ilbo, South Korea--U.S. TENTATIVELY NAMES HARDLINER AS N.K. RIGHTS POINT MAN (Officials connected with the North Korean human rights movement said Thursday the U.S. has tentatively decided to name former White House domestic policy advisor and noted neocon Jay Lefkowitz as special envoy for human rights in North Korea. … The U.S. had put off naming an envoy for the last six months to avoid provoking North Korea, but analysts believe the naming of a neoconservative at this juncture shows Washington is no longer prepared to tread softly now that tensions over Pyongyang's nuclear program are approaching crisis level.)

Bush—or somebody—really wants this guy. He looks like some kind of Baby Bolton, an in your face confrontationalist whose job is to antagonize and polarize.

It’s obvious that the White House wants to yank Kim Jung Il’s chain with the appointment. Now may be the time. If it happens, it represents another step in the hardening of our North Korea policy.

But why Lefkowitz?

His foreign policy experience is risible. He’s a corporate lawyer who works for Ken Starr’s firm. Dana Milbank profiled him as “a hard-nosed litigant”, nicknamed The Viper by one of his clients.

Lefkowitz was Bush’s deputy assistant to the president for domestic policy, and, together with Karen Hughes, helped craft the administration’s notorious stem cell policy. His last stint was as general counsel to the Office of Management and Budget.

Lefkowitz’s otherwise inexplicable elevation to sachem for North Korean human rights appears to have much to do with his links to Michael Horowitz, the neocon progenitor of the North Korean Human Rights Act of 2004—the legislation that created the special envoy post.

Embattled conservative journalist Evan Gahr claims that Lefkowitz has a close relationship to Horowitz; that they talk frequently; and Horowitz got Lefkowitz his job as OMB general counsel (Horowitz himself did a stint as OMB general counsel under Reagan). He further claims that Horowitz and Lefkowitz are, in fact, cousins.

With this background, it would be no surprise if Horowitz is promoting Lefkowitz for the human rights envoy posting.

On one level, Lefkowitz’s appointment may be simply another example of the incestuous backscratching that sees inside-the-Beltway types continually rewarded for their ideology, connections, and pliancy instead of expertise.

However, Lefkowitz’s appointment may be more important as a coded indicator by President Bush, meant to reward and mobilize the evangelical right on behalf of his political objectives.

If so, we are in new and dangerous waters.

As reported in the Wall Street Journal, Horowitz, a charter member of the neo-cons ensconced at the Hudson Institute directing its Project for International Religious Liberty, has toiled tirelessly since 1995 to create a significant, active evangelical Christian base for conservative foreign policy priorities by exchanging the ideological rhetoric of national security and freedom for moral rhetoric of religious persecution and human rights.

He is the godfather of the right wing’s attempts to harness the political energies of traditionally isolationist Christian conservatives to promote the GOP’s foreign policy agenda in the same way that domestic hot button issues like abortion, gay marriage, and “Intelligent Design” are exploited to drive evangelicals to the polls.

Horowitz has used the theme of persecution of Christians in regimes like the Sudan, North Korea, and China to create a set of evangelical foreign policy priorities that Karl Rove and the Bush White House, with their conviction that the evangelical political force is crucial to their electoral success, are anxious to heed, acknowledge, and encourage.

Evangelical Christians have responded and Horowitz was recognized as one of the world’s ten most influential Christians by a Southern Baptist magazine. Even though he’s Jewish and, according to one piece I read, an ex-communist.

With a Christian population estimated at 10-12,000 in a country of 23 million, North Korea would seem to be an area in which the rhetoric of Christian persecution would find little international resonance.

However, history does supply justification for viewing North Korea as a fruitful field for Christian endeavor. Between 1890 and the 1950s, Pyongyang was a center of highly successful Presbyterian mission centered on a 120-acre campus with a population of 180,000 and was celebrated, perhaps presumptuously, as the “Jerusalem of the East”. In 1907 it was the center of an intense revival movement that brought tens of thousands of Korean converts to Christianity. One-sixth of its residents—including the family of Kim Il-sung (!) were Christians. By the end of World War II, the Christian population of what is now North Korea reportedly numbered 600,000, most of whom fled to the South.

The proliferation of web pages dealing with the fate of Christians in North Korea is evidence of the enthusiasm and hope that the evangelical movement has been able to generate on this topic—and contribute to Michael Horowitz’s political activities.

One of Horowitz’s greatest and most recent triumphs was the passage of the North Korea Human Rights Act of 2004.

In an interview with Christianity Today, given when the legislation cleared the Senate, Horowitz began by preening unctuously

Here's an abused term, but in this case, I have come to feel that it is literally correct to call this success a miracle.

And went on to provide an insight into the political dynamics behind the legislation:

(CT) What was the role of evangelicals in seeing the legislation get passed?

Oh, they played the central role here. I think it was this powerful evangelical coalition that was working with Senator [Sam] Brownback and Senator [Evan] Bayh…

It was then the coalition, working with key Senate aides, in particular, that played this extraordinary difference in moving matters forward. There is a process in the Senate where bills get so-called "hot-wired." That means that the Senate leadership says, "We want this bill to be adopted," and they give a 24-hour period for all senators to indicate whether they object to the bill. And the bill cleared all the Senate Republicans. … It had Republicans and Democrats in the House and all Republicans in the Senate unanimously approving the bill. Then it was up to the Senate Democrats, and Senate Democrats began registering objections to the bill.

At that point, there was a coalition led by the National Association of Evangelicals that prepared and drafted a letter that went to Senator [Joe] Biden, [ranking Democratic Party member of] the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Senator [Tom] Daschle, the Senate majority leader, and Senator [John] Kerry, the Democratic nominee for President, indicating that any one of them had the power, if they so chose, to ensure that the bill got a Senate vote—and making it very clear that those three men would be held accountable if the Senate buried the vote. And there was a readiness on the part of evangelical groups to go to churches throughout critical [voting] states showing films of gulags and gas chambers. You'd better be sure that that played a role in the ultimate willingness of members of the Senate to negotiate, which they did in honor and good faith, for legislation.

North Korea is now, together with Sudan and a rather quixotic if not suicidal desire to obtain U.S. government support for evangelism among Muslims in Iraq and Afghanistan, a hot button issue for the politically ambitious arm of the Christian right.

Officially, supporters of the NKHRA insist that the bill concerns only human rights and not the potentially bloody and burdensome activities associated with regime change under U.S. government aegis.

However, regime change is not far from Horowitz’s mind:

In a lecture entitled "It Ain't Christmas in Pyongyang: Will the Kim Jong-il Regime Last?" Horowitz said, "North Korea will implode before next Christmas and Kim Jong-il shall not enjoy Christmas next year." The scholar had recently visited South Korea, where he criticized Seoul policies toward North Korea and called for regime change in Pyongyang. He said the collapse of North Korea's communist regime was historically inevitable, and that such a collapse would happen automatically and without much delay. He also mentioned the possibility of a coup occurring in North Korea. He said that if the United States discovered generals it could trust to close North Korea's "concentration camps" and shut down its nuclear program, Washington could send a message to them that it would support such moves.

As noted above, the NKHRA created the post of human rights envoy for North Korea. Speaking with Christianity Today, Horowitz said:

The Senate bill calls for the appointment of a special envoy for human rights to be designated by the President. And the legislation further provides that this person must be a person of recognized international stature in the field of human rights.

There seems to be a bit of a stature gap here.

Jay Lefkowitz's only noteworthy foreign policy experience in recent years has been participation in some conferences on anti-Semitism, where he complains that singling out Israel for criticism while not condemning North Korea, Sudan, etc. is a sign of anti-Semitism.

Lefkowitz’s conservative credentials are, however, impeccable.

From Dana Milbank's profile:

Lefkowitz has enjoyed ideological combat, writing for neoconservative journals such as Commentary and the Public Interest and founding the Dark Ages convention, conservatives' answer to Bill Clinton's Renaissance Weekends.

Lefkowitz, friends and colleagues say, is the quintessential nerd. The bespectacled Columbia University graduate has a baby face. His West Wing office contains a little-used tennis racket, a copy of Commentary on the table and a framed picture of drawings of stem cells.

"He's proud to be a geek," said conservative commentator Laura Ingraham, who started the Dark Ages convention with him.

Lefkowitz, who as general counsel for the Office of Management and Budget last year was the architect of Bush's decision on stem-cell research, is attracted to controversial issues. As a junior staffer in the first Bush administration, he encouraged Vice President Dan Quayle's speech criticizing "Murphy Brown" for celebrating single motherhood and worked on an executive order restricting labor unions' power. In 1993, he joined a think tank project with Quayle's former chief of staff, William Kristol, before becoming a partner at Kirkland, Kenneth W. Starr's law firm. There, he represented Florida and Wisconsin in defense of their private-school voucher programs.

Apparently close to Rove and Karen Hughes, Lefkowitz had responsibility for beating the bushes for the Jewish vote in the 2004 election. He was mentioned as possible executive director of the platform writing committee at the GOP convention, and was reportedly considered for the top domestic policy slot in the second Bush administration before Rove took the job.

In sum, he looks like a dependable neo-con, a junior member of the trusted inner circle, loyal to George W. Bush, and ready to go that extra mile to serve President Bush’s agenda.

He could be anywhere, or nowhere. Why North Korea?

What makes the Horowitz/Lefkowitz link even more significant, beyond their reported family ties, is their shared interest in evangelical outreach.

Again, from Milbank:

Along the way, Lefkowitz has become Bush's de facto in-house ethicist and a primary liaison to Christian conservatives -- a seemingly odd role for someone of the Jewish faith. Lefkowitz, the son of New York-born Zionist parents who taught him Hebrew as his first language, keeps Kosher, has a well-thumbed Hebrew language Bible in his office and took a bicycle to work to avoid driving during Passover. Lefkowitz hopes to convince fellow Jews to embrace Republicans. In a 1996 speech, he said the Jewish community is "disintegrating," in part because of its "embrace of the assimilationist ideal endorsed by the liberal Democratic Party."

In the White House, Lefkowitz’s high profile conservative religiosity found expression in promotion of a shared, morality-based approach to social issues with the Christian right.

On a more practical plane, Lefkowitz seems to have been the godly go-to mensch when the White House wanted to reaffirm to the true believers that President Bush’s every thought and action are guided by his profound religious faith.

As revealed in Christianity Today:

Jay Lefkowitz, deputy assistant to the President, says Bush starts every policy discussion on action by asking, "What is the right thing to do?"—meaning, Lefkowitz says, "What is the morally correct thing to do?"

And from a briefing to Catholic and religious journalists reported in the Arlington Catholic Herald:

Jay Lefkowitz, deputy assistant to the president for domestic policy, said in the discussion on partial birth abortion and human cloning, the president always asks, "What is the right answer?"

The clearest indication of Lefkowitz’s role as signalman to the religious right was the spectacular botch on stem cell research.

The Bush administration touted Bush’s intense interest in this issue and the wide-ranging views presented to the President by Lefkowitz, the point man on the issue.

As reported in World Magazine (Mission Statement: To report, interpret, and illustrate the news in a timely, accurate, enjoyable, and arresting fashion from a perspective committed to the Bible as the inerrant Word of God):

WORLD interviewed Mr. Lefkowitz, former counselor to the president Karen Hughes, national campaign manager Ken Mehlman, Rep. Kay Granger, and others. They portray him as a man of faith who doesn't think he has all the answers, but who has learned to seek insights both from others and through prayerful consideration.

President Bush's decision on stem-cell research shows how he works. From March through August 2001, he painstakingly investigated the issue. The president began by asking Mr. Lefkowitz to bring in experts from all sides. …

Many others from a variety of viewpoints and expertise met with the president. Mr. Lefkowitz, who attended every one of these meetings, recalls they usually were held in the Oval Office and almost always began with the president saying to his guests, "Tell me what your opinion is and why." As the discussion continued, the president would press the experts further. In these sessions, Mr. Bush always listened, often took notes, and never failed to ask questions.

It turned out that Lefkowitz, despite the importance of the issue and the resources and Presidential focus laid at his disposal--and his own reputation as a dogged and diligent lawyer--got the science all wrong, overstating the number of existing stem cell lines by a factor of 5. With only a dozen viable lines available for research and access to new lines precluded, the federal program is irrelevant.

In retrospect, the ostentatious soul searching orchestrated by Jay Lefkowitz seems merely to have been rhetorical chaff, meant to obscure a strong, pre-existing disposition to give the evangelical right the de facto restriction on federally-funded stem cell research that it sought.

And it’s hard to see naming Lefkowitz to the special envoy post as anything other than a nod and a wink to the internationally-minded Christian conservatives that Bush shares their views on the desirability of moral militancy in our dealings with North Korea.

If the Bush administration follows through on its leaks this time and appoints Jay Lefkowitz, one can look at it in several ways:

First, an endorsement of a de facto policy of regime change against the North Korean regime.

Second, a coded signal to the evangelicals that President Bush professes to share their views and expects their enthusiastic endorsement for whatever he does on the North Korean issue.

Third, a worrisome sign that our North Korean policy will be driven by the imperative of catering to--and inflaming--one useful political constituency, at the expense of prudence, U.S. credibility as a responsible diplomatic force, and reasonable expectations of success in our effort to stabilize the situation on the Korean peninsula.


Evan Gahr said...

Jay Lefkowitz's nomination for special human rights envoy is way overdue. According to the New York Sun it should have come around May 25th. If he is nominated, the Foreign Relations Committee might want to ask Lefkowitz, who once said a little anti-Semitism is good for the Jews, about the matters below. Since 2001, in the face of perhaps 25 inquiries, Lefkowitz has never given a straight answer to the questions and allegations below.
He has never denied colluding with Karl Rove and Michael Horowitz to silence the Jewish journalist who embarassed Karl Rove by denouncing his Christian Right ally for anti-Semitic remarks long since renounced.

All The President's Jews
Jay Lefkowitz, Michael Horowitz, Herb London and the prima facie evidence that they violated numerous laws in their desperate bid on behalf of Karl Rove to silence the only neo-conservative in the history of the modern Christian Right to ever denounce one of its leaders for anti-Semitic remarks


Jay Lefkowitz, foot soldier in the neo-cons' alliance with the Christian Right, once told the New York Times that a "little anti-Semitism is good for the Jews."

But the more interesting question these days now that Lefkowitz a veteran of both Bush White Houses law partner of Ken Starr cousin of Hudson fellow Michael Horowitz, protoge of the late Morris Abram and Bill Kristol's lawyer, is reportedly the White House's top choice for a new ambassador level post as special envoy for human rights in North Korea is whether the one little anti-Semitic fascist purge Lefkowitz and his White House colleagues instigated is good for his career.

During his White House service as OMB general counsel and a White House domestic policy advisor Lefkowitz aided and abetted through sins of omission and commission the illegal not just improper not just unethical but illegal phone calls by Special Assistant to the President Tim Goeglein about the only Jewish conservative in Washington DC who took issue with the anti-Semitic outburst from Moral Majority founder Paul Weyrich. The same week, if not the same day that the White House started making phone calls about the journalist Evan Gahr he was abruptly dismissed.

Lefkowitz enabled these calls, which constitute tortuous interference with contract because the subject of the calls was then fired in violation of his contract. According to the New Republic, Goeglein also complained to Hudson about another Jewish employee, Marshall Wittmann, who embarrassed the Bush Administration. He too then parted ways with Hudson under mysterious circumstances. As did the Hudson official, Curt Smith, who took the phone call. He was fired right after the story below about the Goeglein bullying was published in the New Republic.

In contradistinction to most every other Washington scandal, the facts are not disputed here. Hudson has even posted on its own website incriminating comments from Goeglein in which he mentions calling Hudson, particularly Herb London, all the time and owes them a debt of gratitude.

Gee, what might Hudson have done that the White House feels so indebted?

Jay Lefkowitz's Lawyer Tied To Racist And Virulently Anti-Gay Christian Group . . . Plus Michael Horowitz Doesn'T Wash His Hands After Going To The Bathroom, And Brags About It
Not Parody
Bob Brame, the lawyer who Hudson paid perhaps $100,000 to blame its illegal purge on a stuffed chimp long served on the board of American Vision, a Christian Reconstructionist group that favors capital punishment for homos caught in the act.

They require two witnesses, however.

Quite the civil libertarians. No stoning without due process. (The group is also not too crazy about blacks and Jews.)

Brame has continually colluded with Jay Lefkowitz to impede this journalist's questions about his and Karl Rove's role in the illegal dismissal.

More recently, telephone inquiries to Lefkowitz's office about the White House, were cited by one of Brame's junior asociates at McGuire Woods, Jessica Morrison, in a letter apparently written under his aegis, to prohibit me from attending Hudson events that are otherwise open to the public, which Linda Chavez says is a prima facie violation of public accommodation laws.

Think about it: Hudson funnels money from its government contracts to a homo-hunting lawyer who acts to impede inquiries to a former White Hosue official, Jay Lefkowitz, who had jurisdiction, as OMB general counsel, over the very government contracts which provide his then White House colleagues with the leverage to fire the Jew who embarassed Karl Rove.

Lawyers are required to act in good faith and belive what they say. How could Brame and Jessica Morrison not realize their actions violated the landmark Civil Rights Act and DC human rights laws, both of which require that businesses and educational institutions be open to all members of the public?

The rationale stated in their own letter is itself specifically prohibited by numerous laws.

They said Chimpstein's debating partner was barred from events because he was asking questions about his dismissal and trying to re-open his lawsuit that was withdrawn with prejudice (could not be refiled) in early 2003. If it was withdrawn with prejudice how could someone be asking questions to re-open it?

Secondly, because the questions were about an illegal act, discrimination in employment based on religion, Brame, Hudson and Lefkoiwtz had violated the law in another way; it is illegal to retaliate against someone for filing claims of illegal discrimination.

Even more incriminating. Brame went around saying that the dismissal was unrelated to the employees criticism of Weyrich but rather was necessitated by his improper use of a stuffed chimp in a television debate, the now illustrious Louis E. Chimpstein.

Yet, the same day Karl Rove's favorite Jew was fired, Hudson Institute president Herb London placed an unsolicited phone call to Paul Weyrich and told him that his critic had just been cut loose.

So London called Weyrich to tell him something that had nothing to do with him?

Brame and Morrison have ignored repeated inquiries. Pressed on their acting as a proxy for Lefkowitz and the White House, the managing partner in the DC office of McGurieWoods where Morrison toils said that we are merely doing what our clients asked.

Yup. They were just following orders.

Brame and his junior associate--does he have her do double duty as an official witness of homos en flagrante?--also used my phone calls to Michael Horowitz and New Republic foreign affairs writer Lawerence "the girl" Kaplan, it seem, to illegally bar me from events.

This makes Horowitz an accessory to flagrant violations of public accommodation laws, yet Linda Chavez refuses to publicly condemn him for this or, even more curiously, for outright lying to her.

In any event, anybody inclined to ask Horowitz about this might want to do it one phone.

Horowitz likes to boast that he doesn't wash his hands after he voids his bladder because "it"--the instrument of voidance-- is the cleanest part of your body.

Considering what he does for Pat Robertson it's a lot cleaner than his nose.

That's the least of it. It is the phone call by Lefkowitz's cousin Michael Horowitz to the father of the Jewish journalist, after he linked his dismissal from Hudson Institute to Jay's White House colleagues, which experts say meets the legally stringent standards of intentional infliction of emotional distress and libel.

All this makes Lefkowitz, at the bare minimum, an accessory to at least four prima facie violations of civil statutes all committed by or four the highest branch of government to silence criticism of Karl Rove and the Christian Right for indulging anti-Semitism: tortuous interference with contract, breach of contract, intentional infliction of emotional distress and libel.

Nominations have been sunk for much less and major publications including the New York Times and Washington Post quite often splatter far less serious allegations of far less serious wrongdoing than what Lefkowitz has done.


--Linda "Mommy Meritocracy" Chavez, Zoe Baird and Kimba Wood all saw their nominations for top cabinet posts implode merely because they failed to pay social security taxes on their domestic help.

--John Tower's nomination for Defense Secretary under the first President Bush also went down the tubes because of mere allegations, not hard proof, that he was a drunk and womanizer.

--The nomination of ultra-shaggy conservative John Bolton for UN ambassadors almost imploded because of allegations that he mistreated subordinates, which is neither illegal nor unprecedented for Washington.

Getting Jews fired because they embarrassed the Bush Administration is both. Contrary to the common reaction to this writer's illegal dismissal under pressure from the White House "Yeah the White House got you fired but it happens all the time," it's actually unprecedented as far as can be determined for modern Washington. If it happens all the time can somebody name the last time it happened?

The opposite is true: less egregious White House conduct regarding political adversaries is regularly big news, even when this behavior is not illegal.

Disclosures that President Richard Nixon had instructed one of his aides to count the number of Jews in one division of the Labor Department he considered a hot bed of liberalism were front-page news in the Washington Post, and the "counter was forced to resign in disgrace from the George H.W. Bush election campaign. Nixon didn't get any Jews fired--not even the Labor Department employee, Harold Goldstein, who he called a Jew liberal cocksucker.

The plain reality for those who bother to examine the facts is that Lefkowitz who worked closely with colluded with Karl Rove and his underling Tim Goeglein in the illegal dismissal of the Jewish journalist who embarrassed Karl Rove by denouncing his key Christian Right ally for anti-Semitic remarks long since renounced is that Lefkowitz acted in tandem with those who instigated an unprecedented anti-Semitic fascist purge.

Sounds overwrought: but the "fascist" element is merely the most powerful and unaccountable branch of government acting to silence a Jew's denunciation of the Christian Right for anti-Semitism. Then, an adjunct of state power,

Hudson Institute fellow Michael Horowitz, whose $200,000 annual salary is subsidized by government contracts, telephone and lies to the father of the journalist, leaving him and the whole family frightened to this day, which is another element of fascism, namely, the state having complete control over your.

When Lefkowitz was OMB general counsel and also it seems domestic policy advisor he worked closely with Karl Rove and Special Assistant to the President Tim Goeglein. He was general counsel for OMB which has jurisdiction over federal contracts which gave the White House the power to intimidate the Hudson Institute into parting ways with two Jewish employees who embarrassed the Bush Administration.

The other is Marshall Wittman and the phone calls from the White House to Hudson about him occurred about two months before the calls about this writer.

Lefkowitz worked closely with Tim Goeglein Special Assistant to the President Tim Goeglein who has said he does nothing without the permission of "Mr. Rove" made the illegal phone calls which are widely believed to have precipitated the dismissal from the Hudson Institute a government contractor of the Jewish journalist who embarrassed Rove by calling his key Christian Right "a demented anti-Semite" for saying the Jews killed Christ. The remarks ignited a nationwide firestorm which, the White House quickly became desperate to quell, fearful of the political consequences.

Just three days after the story appeared in the Washington Post the White House called Hudson president Herb London who then frantically relayed the phone calls to the journalist, "Oh Evan Gahr people are calling me about you."

Louis E. Chimpstein And His Enemies
Paul Weyrich long ago admitted to having been a demented anti-Semite for writing on his Free Congress Foundation website that "Christ was crucified by the Jews."
But Jewish conservatives. and their pre-Vatican II Shabbes goys, remain determined to crucify me for calling him one.

No joke. They defend him for remarks he has long since deemed indefensible.

We met at his request about two months after the controversy had erupted; Weyrich emphasized that he regretted the pain his remark caused Jews (statement above).

(It was at this meeting that Weyrich volunteered information that linked his White House allies to my illegal (breach of contract) from Hudson, citing a phone call from the White House to him right before I was fired.

Asked directly if the White House was responsible, he said, "I wouldn't rule it out. They are very interventionist."

Anyway, right after the meeting, reporters asked me if I had asked him to apologize. I told them no, that it was not my role to make such a request and it would have been dumb anyway since talk is cheap and Clinton had done enough apologizing to last Washington quite sometime.

But that got me thinking; a trip to the Holocaust Museum seemed much more appropriate since it was the Deicide charge at the center of this matter which set in motion the cataclysmic engine of hatred that finally led to Auschwitz.

I didn't mention any of this in my letter to him and it later turned out he had no idea that Jews and many historians blame the Deicide charge for the Holocaust.

Our original trip was post-poned but we finally visited the Museum in April 2002. Before the meeting, Weyrich rejected my request that he put out a press release or something to get some media coverage. He considered this a private matter and didn't want any.

In this regard, he had acted in the best Jewish traditions of repentnace, which emphasizes actions more than words, and also Jewish charity: the highest from of charity is anonymous.

Anyway, I invited literally every Jew at AEI to visit the museum with us; the only one who would was Michael Ledeen.

Jay Lefkowitz refused to accompany us, and to this day has never crticized Weryich publicly for his remarks; but he wasted no time in 1994 for signing an advertisement in the New York Times, along with most every major Jewish conservative and some little-known shlubs, which condemented the Anti-Defamation Leage for alleged bias against Christians because it published a report that quoted accurately and took issue with some of Pat Robertson's most hateful remarks.

Again, this is exactly what Marty Peretz meant when he decried the grotesque double standards of my former comrades on the right.

London quickly wrote a letter of apology to Paul Weyrich and his Jewish defender David Horowitz assuring Weyrich that he remained in high regard at the Hudson Institute.

Before this ruckus London had little contact with Weyrich. Hudson However had plenty with Goeglein. He had enjoyed cozy relations with the government-funded think tank since working as press secretary for then Indiana Senator Dan Coats in 1995.

If this reporter's reading of prior clips is correct Coats helped get Hudson some of those crucial government contracts which the think tank has relied on since being founded in 1961 by the late Herman Kahn who famously suggested it was possible for the United States to win a nuclear war and was then rewarded with lucrative Department of Defense contracts. Perhaps the same day that Goeglein called Hudson he also seems to have complained to American Enterprise Magazine editor Karl Zinsmeister about Mr. Gahr.

Zinsmeister than abruptly purged his long-time contributor from the magazine scurried to remove his name from the masthead and barred him from using the publication's facilities as he previously did at the American Enterprise Institute. At this point it's clear that the White House has singled out Mr. Gahr who the Washington Post described accurately as "a writer for a number of conservative publications." The American Enterprise Magazine was not mentioned or in anyway alluded to which means somebody took the trouble to find out.

Three days after the calls Mr. Gahr appeared on "Hannity and Colmes" to debate one of Weyrich's Jewish defenders David Horowitz. Holding a stufffed chimp the now illustrious Louis E. Chimpstein Mr . Gahr said that "David is acting like a big I brought a stuffed chimp." Co-hosts Sean Hannity and Alan Colmes seemed amused. But Horowitz was visibly stunned. He can lie and scream a mile a minute but how do you out debate a stuffed chimp? Even the otherwise part line conservative Hannity piled it on saying David bring your stuffed animals.

Two days later the Weyrich story finally made the New York Times--just barely. The paper's religion reporter did an analysis piece for the "Week in Review" that mentioned the Weyrich matter briefly in the course of discussing the Deicide charge and also controversial remarks by basketball star Charlie Ward saying Jews had blood on their hands because they killed Christ. The story did not mention Mr. Gahr or in anyway allude to him or give any indication how the Weyrich controversy started.

But it set off alarm bells in the White House, and Mr. Gahr was singled out as responsible. According to the New York Times Goeglein and Karl Rove have a daily early morning meeting. At this meeting which would have included Jay Lefkowitz Karl Rove was concerned about the political fallout from the controversy and clearly blamed Mr. Gahr for the whole matter. In an effort to quell the matter Goeglein then called Weyrich worried he later told Mr. Gahr about the political fallout from the matter and focusing on Mr. Gahr.

The phone calls could have even been his idea.

Lefkowitz does not deny he was one of the "great many people"

said to have taken a "great interest" in the matter of the journalist's employment.

Why would Lefkowitz care one way or the other?

Because Lefkowitz and other neo-conservative apologists for Christian anti-Semitism worried that their alliance with the Christian Right could implode because someone identifiably "neo-conservative" had unceremoniously denounced one of the Moral Majority's founders for blatantly anti-Semitic remarks.

This was unprecedented, which may help to explain why the counter-reaction was so vicious. If the speaker was not silenced or could not be dismissed as some kind of cuckoo Jew, then Jewish conservatives would be forced to answer a number of discomfiting questions about their crucial allies in their ongoing Culture war against homosexuals. Why had they kept quiet this long? Why did they treat white Christians to one standard and black leftist Christians like Jesse Jackson to another; lambasting Jackson for stuff far less serious than what they dismiss when uttered by their Christian allies. Marty Peretz got it right:

Since the onset of the Moral Majority, there had been a certain pattern. Christians made anti-Semitic remarks, Jewish conservatives either ignored the comments or suggested the criticism from Jewish liberals was really a manifestation of anti-Christian bias, and continued to defend the speaker long after he had profusely and quite genuinely it seemed apologized for the comments in question. For example, in 1980, the Rev. Bailey Smith said God doesn't hear the prayers of Jews. He was roundly denounced and quickly made clear he regretted what he said and visited Israel with tons of rabbis to make amends, he recalled recently during an interview with this journalist. Yet even after all that Irving Kristol wrote in Commentary that Jews were wrong to criticize him.

Osama Bin Chimpstein? David Frum Tells The United States How To Win The War On Terrorism But Gets All Flustered When Asked About A Stuffed Chimp?
What did David Frum know and when did he know it?
At least something, it seems.

Frum worked at the White House when Karl Rove had Tim Goeglein make phone calls about two loudmouth Hudson Jews--Marshall Wittmann and Evan Gahr--who subsequently parted ways with Hudson under mysterious circumstances.

White House interference also remains the only plausible explanation for the otherwise inexplicable decision by Karl Zinsmeister, editor of AEI's flagship publication, The American Enterprise, to abruplty remove Evan Gahr's name from the masthead where he was listed as contributing writer and summarily blacklist him. The decision, which neither Zinsmeister nor AEI presidnet Chris DeMuth disputes was

Reached at his AEI office, Frum, the much heralded former White House speechwriter, and marquee journalist for both the Weekly Standard and National Review did not even offer a non-denial denial when pressed on the White House calls.

Instead, he offered a non-admission-admission. And failed to answer a single substantive question about the purge.

Imagine the yelping from the right if the cards were reversed and a former Clinton speechwriter who had decamped to the Brookings Institution was tied to an illegal dismissal of an Administration critic and didn't anser any questions about his possible material support.

David Frum: Hello.

Journalist: David?

David Frum: Yeah?

Journalist: Hi, it's Evan Gahr.

Hudson says I got fired for using a stuffed chimp in a television debate. Do you believe them?

David Frum: [unintelligible] Uh, hold on.

Journalist: As I told you--

Did you get my emails?

David Frum: Uh, I don't Uh I don't remember what they were about.

[Yeah, that's the ticket.]

Journalist: Do you know that I got fired from Hudson three days after denouncing Weyrich for anti-Semitism.

David Frum: I didn't know that.

Journalist: You didn't know that?

David Frum: Now I do.

Jouralist: And they blamed it on a stuffed chimp. Do you find that problematic?

David Frum: Evan. [stuttering noise] Evan [stuttering noise]

Evan it comes it out of the blue--

Journalist: Is it complicated? I got fired for denouncing anti-Semitism and they blamed it on a stuffed chimp. Weyrich knows as much. Do you want to do a nexis search? Do Google Gahr, Weyrich, Holocaust Museum.

Is that difficult to figure out.

David Frum: Why are you calling me.

Journalist Because you're a big Jew. Do you want to go to the zoo with me and Weyrich and Weyrich's grandson if you can't answer this question. Is

this complex? Your friends fired me over a stuffed chimp over anti-Semitism and you can't answer the question?

David Frum: Evan, Evan

Journalist: And you were at the White House then. Weren't you. Do you know who Tim Goeglein is?

Journalist: Do you know who Tim Goeglein is?

David Frum: Evan.

Journalist: Do you know who Tim Goeglein is?

How often do you talk to him?

David: Evan, I don't know why you're calling.

Journalist: Well, I'm tell you why. Because I'm writing an article about it.

Tim Goeglein called Hudson about Marshall Wittmann

does that bother you--

David Frum: Evan

Journalist: No, you're in it dude.

David Frum: bye

About 10 minutes later

David Frum: hello

Journalist: Is this difficult? How often did you talk to Tim Goeglein. He probably got me fired.

This is a govt contractor

David Frum: Evan--

Journalist: How often did you talk to him

David Frum: Evan you really are--

Journalist: I really am what?

I have nothing--

You're coming out of left field here.

Journalist: It's a simple question you worked with Tim and Karl how often did you talk to them?

David Frum: Evan, goodbye.

In a brief follow up conversation, Frum made first said "Nothing happened."

Then, he added, "You brought it on yourself."

Indeed, so did Danny Pearl.

Like father, like son: Bill Kristol continued to cultivate this kind of alliance and even helped Ralph Reed, then Christian Coalition director, responded in 1994 to the ADL"s report on the Christian Right, which quoted all kinds of hate-filled remarks by Pat Robertson, Jerry Falwell and others. Jay Lefkowitz and most every identifiable Jewish neo-con except Eric Breindel signed a New York Times advertisement that accused the ADL of anti-Christian bias merely for describing Robertson's bizzaro theory about Jewish bankers as anti-Semitic.

The next year, when Lefkowitz was asked why he and other Jewish conservatives could ally themselves with the likes of Pat Robertson given his apparent animosity towards Jews, Lefkowitz said, "a little anti-Semitism is good for the Jews. It reminds us of who we are."

It is? And who is the we?

Just which Jews benefit from anti-Semitism? Can he name one?

Esther Jungreis? The mother and father of Eric Breindel who were Holocaust survivors?

Leo Frank?

Notice how the phrasing suggests he speaks for others, even though he doesn't. Neo-cons try to score political points against their liberal Jewish opponents by claiming--in a manner similar to the purveyors of black authenticity--that they represent the masses, but the liberals are out of touch and are liberals first Jewish second. In fact, there is not a single reputable Jewish organization that has ever made the kind of assertion Lefkowitz does. Yes, Lefkowitz wears a yarmulke. But so do the members of major Orthodox Jewish organizations, such as the Orthodox Union and Agudath Israel, none of whom have ever nor would they ever countancne anti-Semitism, even though they generally take similar positions on social issues as do the Christian Right occasional anti-Semites.

The comment by Lefkowitz is pernicious nonsense designed to provide cover for the anti-Semitism of his key allies, stuff which is far worse than what Jesse Jackson said about "Hymietown."

Nobody had even heard of the "Hymietown" slur before Jackson said it off-the-records during his "black talk" with reporters of the same hue.

Black anti-Semitism was responsible for one death in the 20th century, Yankel Rosenbaum.

The Christian anti-Semitism of Pat Robertson et al. is rooted in the stuff which most historians agree was the catalyst for the Holocaust.

If anti-Semitism is good for the Jews, then how can it be anti-Semitism?

Like other neo-cons, Lefkowitz is determined to denude the whole term of anti-Semitism of any significance. This is an abnegation of history, from folks who complain that feminists and Afrocentrists politicize history. Anti-Semitism is irrelevant and something good or to be welcomed only if you extricate it from the historical context.

That's what happened after Paul Weryich wrote on his Free Congress website over Easter Weekend 2001 that "Christ was crucified by the Jews."

Then, Bill Kristol lied to the Washington Post about Weryich's remarks to provide cover for his Christian Right allies, part of a realpolitik

alliance since Kristol seems to harbor contempt for them. For example, he privately told Marshall Wittmann and Ken Weinstein that Weyrich's remarks were a disgusting and shocking outburst of anti-Semitism. But when the Washington Post called for comment he suggested the controversy was much ado about nothing. How could it be nothing if he was shocked by Weyrich's remarks?

If the Deicide charge is nothing to get excited about then what anti-Semitism could possibly be? Kristol lied about history and his own conversation with Marshall Wittmann and Ken Weinstein.

It's well to note (that's another Eric Breindeilism) that while Jewish defenders of the Christian Right always cite their pro-Israel stances to deflect criticism of anti-Semitism, the Christian Right's support forIsrael has not been a major factor in domestic polices.

So in April 2001, Lefkowitz was at the nexus of two institutions, the White House and Hudson which both had different reasons to stifle the Jew. Hudson was long the bastion of neo-conservatives such as Ellliott Abrams and Norman Podhoretz who are apologists for Christian anti-Semitism. Abrams even wrote a whole book trying to do this when he worked for Hudson.

The White House, meanwhile, feared political damage because Weyrich was considered close to Karl Rove.

They had two ways to quash the controversy: Silence Weyrich or silence Mr. Gahr

Goeglein called Weyrich, but he told him to buzz off.

That left the other option, and it seemed Mr. Gahr's job was of great interest to the White House.On Tuesday night, May 1, London swore to the Forward that he would not fire Mr. Gahr. As far as can be determined, he was telling the truth.

On Thursday, London, otherwise cautious and shrewd, fired Mr. Gahr, two months before his contract would have expired anyway.

Who might have the power to frighten London like that?

Louis E. Chimpstein or Karl Rove?

Hudson initially claimed that Mr. Gahr was dismissed not for criticizing Weyrich but rather because his use of a stuffed chimp the now illustrious Louis E. Chimpstein which allegedly reflected poorly on the "Institute."

One month later Mr. Gahr then called Michael Horowitz the Lefkowitz cousin and asked him about the dismissal. Just how did Chimpstein reflect poorly on Hudson? Did he scratch under his arms? Was he not properly groomed?

"I don't want to answer that " said Horowitz rather sheepishly. There were only two months left on my contract what was the big rush.

"Only two months left?." "Horowitz said. "Only two months left?"

"Yeah you didn't know that?"

"Oh, Evan. What the fuck is wrong with you. Grow the hell up."

Cursing is almost always macho preening. At this point Horowitz clearly was shocked and knew exactly what happened and why.

Hudson Institute fellow Michael Horowitz then telephoned and badgered the journalist's father who he had never met or talked with or had any previous communication in a desperate effort to convince him that his wayward son was fired for improper use of a stuffed chimp in a television debate not for embarassing Karl Rove.

Elena Lefkowitz, Mega-Yenta
Elena Lefkowitz had very little journalism experience when she got a much-coveted job with Insight Magazine in 1991 but she had a well-connected husband who probably pulled strings to get her the position. (This is yet another example of how conservatives only play lip service to the meritocracy; just ask Linda Chavez who employs her own under-qualified sons at her think tank devoted to opposing racial preference policies for minorities,)
Anyway, Elena quickly distinguished herself at Insight, which is the sister publication of the Washington Times. Once, during a routine discussion about the pros and cons of legalizing marijuana, Elena blurted out that she smoked pot for the first time and lost her virginity the first semester of freshman year.

Other unsolicited info which by comparison makes Monica Lewinsky seem taciturn included

--Jay does not like condoms

--Jay returned from the 1992 GOP convention and was so delighted to see her that he took her au naturel and that's why she ended up pregnant.

Elena is also quite the multi-tasker. She could be yammering away with her mother on one line then put her on hold to henpeck Jay when he called on the other line.

Elena had her own nanny problems. One nanny didn't know her place and ate the kosher food in the refrigerator, which was she explained passionately to her mother, not for the help. She also may have driven one of her nanny's to drink. Jay and Elena were all set to go to a wedding but the nanny got drunk and never showed up.

Sounds funny but upon closer analysis Horowitz is guilty of libel and intentional infliction of emotional distress.

"Dr. Gahr, if I thought Evan was fired for his ideas I would have resigned."

Horowitz, a graduate of Yale Law School, proceeded like a lawyer to build a "case" that would convince Dr. Gahr his son was actually fired for taking a long leap off the deep end, hand in paw, with Louis E. Chimpstein and if he didn't intercede quickly more trouble would ensue.

"What Weyrich said was very bad."

Horowitz remained silent.

Horowitz: If I thought Evan was fired for his ideas I would have resigned.

Horowitz "Do you know what Evan did?

"Do you know what Evan did?"

Dr. Gahr : What did he do?

Horowitz: "He used a stuffed chimp in a television debate."

Dr. Gahr: "I know. I saw it."

Horowitz: "What did you think."

Dr. Gahr: "I thought it was funny."

Michael Horowitz: "Did you see the whole thing?"

What a lawyerly response. Notice that Horowitz is not simply relying facts objectively his rhetorical devices are all designed to leave his quarry to conclude or at least wonder whether his son really did go cuckoo with the chimp. In other words this could not reasonably be construed as any kind of reasonable or real concern. Instead, he does his best to eviscerate the hostile witness argument.

Dr. Gahr: What Weyrich said was terrible.

Horowitz: silence


Horowitz: silence

Dr. Gahr: But they did call to complain about Marshall Wittmann [Hudson employee who embarrassed Bush Administration; phone call reported in TNR. Wittmann and Hudson later parted ways under mysterious circumstances; the Hudson VP who took the call was fired not long after it was reported by The New Republic]

Horowitz: silence

Horowitz: My wife read one of the letters Evan wrote. She said it [suggests Evan might go off the deep end]. You know, she's a doctor

Dr. Gahr: Is she a psychiatrist?

Horowitz: no

Dr. Gar: Then tell her to stick to her specialty.

Then Mr. Horowitz really went bananas. He hectored the good doctor, a Bronx native just like himself, bout a passage in the same letter in which Mr. Gar mocked his refusal to accompany him to a meeting that Paul Weyrich had requested.

The offending passage.

"If you're embarrassed to be seen in public with me you can wear a KKK hood to the meeting. After all [as you contended]saying the Jews killed Christ is not anti-Semitic. So [it follows logically] that a KKK hood is not racist.''

But Mr. Horowitz, not known for his sense of humor, took the jibe literally.

Horowitz: Do you know what Evan did? Do you know what Evan did?

Dr. Gahr: What?

Horowitz: He told me to go around in downtown Washington with a KKK hood

Dr. Gahr: [I think he was joking]

Funny stuff. Endearing.

Just like John Wayne Gacy's clown mask until you look what's underneath.

"Dr. Gahr if I thought Evan was fired for his ideas I would have resigned."

Horowitz was lying, as he later conceded.

It was not a small lie that most people tell at one moment or another. It was not Clintonesque lies that depend on distinctions without a difference. Or telling only the partial truth, which amounts to perjury. It was a big lie. It was libel.

Legally, libel obtains when the accused says something he did not really believe and the person who has been libeled suffers particular consequent due to the lie.

The Horowitz phone call meets those standards, and also the legally stringent requirements for intentional infliction of emotional distress, experts agree. That's two prima facie violation of civil statutes in just 18 or so minutes by someone who enjoys a stellar reputation in the media and conservative universe.

Horowitz, lawyers sagree , had acted with malice and forethought.

"Dr. Gahr, if I thought Evan was fired for his ideas I would resigned."

Actually, he thought just that; the same day the dismissal became public knowledge Horowitz told a mutual acquaintance that he disagreed with Mr. Gahr's criticism of Weyrich but Hudson was wrong to fire him.

Horowitz yelped about the letter that contained the sardonic reference to the KKK, but he didn't read another passage of the letter. It said outright that I know you're lying. You told a mutual acquaintance that Hudson was wrong but you go around saying they were right.

In other words, this was libel. Horowitz told a falsehood that he could not possibly believed was true.

What specific damage accrued? The phone call was frightening tempered perhaps by the buffonish antics of someone desperate to blame an illegal dismissal on a stuffed chimp.

But the letter that Horowitz had delivered by FedEx the next day was far more frightening, and poisoned the minds of Mr. Gahr's father and mother.

Hammering home the point that their precious son was a mental case headed for big trouble, Horowitz included some letters that Mr. Gahr had written to a number of his Washington allies in the culture wars, such as Robert Bork at AEI and two National Review writers.

It was determined by subsequent investigation that both Bork and National Review knew full well what Horowitz planned to do with the material they were kind enough to provide him.

This further militates in favor of intentional infliction of emotional distress and quite possibly renders AEI and National Review legally culpable for the material they gave Horowitz to advance his goofy yet ultimately lethal lie that Dr. Gahr's journalist son had been fired not for his ideas but for taking a long leap off the deep end, hand in paw with Louis E. Chimpstein.

But the FedEx pack, as far as can be determined did not include one key letter. It was the one which contained the sarcastic suggestion about wearing a KKK mask, the humor going over his head, which also provided evidence that Horowtiz really thought the dismissal was wrong but was saying the opposite publicly. In other words the letter would have made abundantly clear to Dr. Gahr that Horowitz was lying.

Because Horowitz deliberately omitted this letter and only read selective parts to Dr. Gahr he loses any possibility of "plausible deniability"--that he was as he initially tried to pretend just one concerned father talking to another.

Moreover, by extracting a promise of confidentiality from Dr. Gahr and reiterating it in the FedEx letter Horowitz seems to have been determined to pre-empt Dr. Gahr discussing the matter with his son, who could quickly show him the letter to demonstrate that Horowitz had lied.

The plain reality is that had manipulated facts and withheld crucial ones to mislead a loving, intact family into everyday worry that, to paraphrase him, their cherished son was "headed for trouble," which would leave pained and hesitant to loudly and aggressively investigate and expose Hudson and its fellow travelers.

It worked.

Horowitz is a malignant liar. If he had just told Mr. Gahr's parents that their son was doing drugs that could be easily disproved through urine tests.

But Horowitz instead said in so many words that Mr. Gahr was headed for trouble.

How do you refute that? You can't. As Eric Breindel used to say you can't prove a negative.

What did Lefkowitz know and when did he know it about this comical yet illegal effort by his cousin with whom he talks regularly to get Louis E. Chimpstein to take the fall for Karl Rove?

Lefkowitz: I hardly ever talk to Michael Horowitz

Journalist: Stop lying. You talk with him all the time. I used to be in his office and listen to him talk with you and when you re-wrote some kind of regulation you sent him a fax about it even though you were not supposed to take credit for that kind of thing.

Stop lying.

Horowitz was probably responsible for getting Lefkowitz his OMB job and looks like he played a role in the appointment of Lefkowitz for the North Korea post. Lefkowitz has no foreign policy experience but Horowitz has been outspoken on the issue. So much for the meritocracy.

Horowitz probably helped Lefkowitz get his job as general counsel of OMB in 2001 because its first head Mitch Daniels came from the Lilly Company whose charitable foundation is one of Hudson's most generous benefactors.

This is the reverse of six degrees of separation; it's six degrees of connection. As OMB general counsel Lefkowitz had jurisdiction over the federal contracts which his White House colleagues were using to bludgeon a government contractor where his cousin worked to the tune of $200 000 annually into firing the Jew who left Karl Rove desperate to quell the political firestorm he ignited by denouncing Paul Weyrich for anti-Semitic remarks he has long since renounced. He should have known something because at the time Lefkowitz was OMB general cousel which meant the Hudson Institute a government contractor was under his aegis because the OMB later said it has jurisdiction over federal contracts. This means that Lefkowitz was responsible for the very government contracts which gave he and Goeglein and Rove the leverage to bully Hudson about two Jewish employee.

Despite repeated inquiries Lefkowitz has never explained his role in the What did Lefkowitz know and when did he know it about the complaint from Tim Goeglein to Hudson about the other Jewish employee Marshall Wittmann who embarassed the Bush Administration. The Hudson official who took the phone call was fired right after it was reported in the New Republic.

Informed of the complaint about Marshall Wittmann, Lefkowitz, had an affirmative duty to stop other calls by Goeglein, but did nothing to prevent other ones.

Is that why Wittmann left Hudson the following year under mysterious circumstances? Only this time around Michael Horowitz and fellow Hudsonite Ken Weinstein knew better than to blame Chimpstein.

Journalist: Why did Marshall Wittmann leave his post at Hudson for the hustle and bustle of Capitol

Hill where it's doubtful he made more or even significantly more money. Why would he do that?

Ken Weinstein: [click]

That doesn't even qualify as a non-denial denial.

It's more like am admission-admission.

This is the rare Washington scandal where nobody bothers with impassioned denails. Not only does the White House and Hudson not deny making and receiving the phone calls Hudson has--duh--posted on its own website the White House bragging about its regular contact with Hudson and owing the think tank a great deal of gratitude.

Evan Gahr: What role if any did the White House play in my dismissal

Michael Horowitz: I have no comment until the end of time

Three Jews. At least five phone calls one illegal dismissal one libeling someone to his own father another prima facie case of intentional infliction of emotional distress plus tortuous interference with contract. That's one might big cover-up which should give pause to anyone inclined to support Lefkowitz's expected appointment to the North Korea post.

Given how Lefkowitz abused his power here how could anybody possibly take him seriously if he's charged with monitoring North Korea for political abuses?

How about a compromise to win more sympathy from Lefkowitz? Maybe wave Chimpstein at the North Korean dictator? Tell him there is more freedom in the spacious ape house at the National Zoo than there is all over his country?

--Evan Gahr, king of all animals for, used to work for Eric Breindel and sometimes feels like he still does. He previously broke major stories on Congress, Hillary Clinton, the Christian Right and the gay marriage debate.
Prior Blatherings
Who is Louis E. Chimpstein?

Jay Lefkowitz: a little anti-Semitism is good for the Jews.

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