Showing posts with label Ronald Reagan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ronald Reagan. Show all posts

Thursday, April 10, 2014

Radiation and the Ronald Reagan




I have an article in the current CounterPunch print edition (Subscribe!NOW! ) concerning the contamination of the US aircraft carrier Ronald Reagan by Fukushima fallout during the post-tsunami relief operations in 2011.

The Ronald Reagan is in the news because several dozen crewmembers of the Reagan are trying to sue TEPCO, the Tokyo Electric Power Corporation, for concealing the radiation release and thereby damaging their health (unsurprisingly, members of the armed services are precluded from suing the US military for damage to their health, so redress must be sought elsewhere).

I try to tiptoe between the two extremes of radiation alarmism and, I guess, radio-blasé-ism, but in the end I come down on the side that the contamination was pretty serious.

The Ronald Reagan was caught in a washout.  As the Fukushima plume was passing overhead, a snowstorm brought radioactive nasties down to the ship, and the water surrounding the ship.

The “nothing to see here” position is that the Reagan was exposed to the equivalent of an extra few weeks of background radiation.

Trouble is, washed-out fallout isn’t distributed in a neat, uniform radioactive haze.  It’s lumpy, sticky, filled with hot particles, and prone to “hot spots”.

It is not terribly reassuring to Sailor A that measured radioactive contamination is averaging out to a gentle buzz if he or she is worried about standing on or next to a hot spot.

The Ronald Reagan spent a couple months at sea after contamination trying to clean itself up; then, according to a lawyer for the sailors claiming injury, it was decontaminated at port in Washington State for another year and a half before returning to service.

On the washout issue, I draw on a circumstance that is perhaps not widely known: that Albany, NY, thanks to wash-out of the plume from a shot at the Nevada Test Site in 1953, was one of the most heavily irradiated areas in the United States outside of “downwinder” counties in Nevada and Utah. 

The only reason we know about Albany is because the fallout was measured by a local association of scientists from Rennselaer Polytechnic Institute and General Electric, and because a local journalist, Bill Heller, wrote about it.  Suffice to say that radiation levels were highly variable, and in certain locations very high.

Accidents at nuclear reactors can release a lot of radiation.  

A reactor might be loaded with over 25 tons of fuel and at any given time contain several hundred kilos of plutonium; for comparison purposes, critical mass for a nuclear weapon involves about 10 kilograms of weapons-grade plutonium.  The amount of radioactive material liberated by the airburst of a nuclear weapon is predicted to the milligram; how much goes out the top of a shattered reactor, on the other hand, is pretty much guesswork, as is the rather imperfect art of using post-accident forensics and atmospheric measurement and capture tools to extrapolate total radiation released. 

Nobody really knows how much radiation is released in an accident when containment is breached, throw in wind and washouts, there’s also really no way of telling where it ends up.

I also address the tendency of governments to minimize/mislead/suppress information concerning radiation releases from nuclear accidents and the overall uncertainty pervading their efforts. 

The ex-USSR is the recognized world champion in this regard, thanks to its energy in covering up the mess created by Chernobyl, and the efforts by Alla Yaroshinskaya, a journalist-turned-activist-turned Duma representative to bring the truth to light.  The United States, through the Atomic Energy Commission and its successor, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, have also been keen to keep the atomic business going by minimizing the extent of radiation releases.  In the Albany case, the AEC deliberately understated the radiation levels it had detected in its public statements.  As for Fukushima, I was unfavorably impressed by an NRC PowerPoint briefing released under the FOIA, which significantly understated the total radiation release at Chernobyl.

The biggest minefield in the issue of nuclear accidents is the issue of the health effects of radiation exposure.  The international standard for nuclear safety is the “Linear No Threshold” or LNT model, which argues that the negative health impacts of low-level radiation exposure are, well, low.  People who give credence to claims of extensive radiation-related illness as a result of nuclear accidents are frequently dismissed as cranks.

Interestingly, the only place that is serious about emphasizing the health hazards of radiation is a country very much in the news today, Ukraine.  Doing the right thing by Ukrainian citizens after the injustices inflicted by the Soviet Union on the Chernobyl front has been an important part of Ukrainian national identity, and claims of radiation-related illness are given a hearing largely denied to them in the West, Japan, or Russia.

The international pushback against academics trying to make the statistical and biomedical case for extensive Chernobyl-related illnesses has been intense, including the attempt to explain any statistically significant health effects as a combination of “radiophobia” (the debilitating fear occasioned by radiation exposure) and the overall decline in public health in Ukraine following the collapse of the Soviet Union.  In 2005 a symposium conducted by the IAEA, WHO, and UN concluded that only 50 people had died because of radiation exposure from the Chernobyl accident; that’s quite a distance from estimates of critics who think the toll might be as high as 50,000.

In response, scientists such as Russia’s Elena Burlakova have carefully monitored the health of the sizable cohort of Chernobyl “liquidators” (the hundreds of thousands of workers who were exposed to high levels of radiation during cleanup at the plant and in the Chernobyl district) and conducted research to attempt to qualify the LNT standard for measuring the health effects of radiation exposure. 

In addition to the detection of statistically significant levels of certain illnesses among the liquidator cohort, they have made the argument that, instead of being linear, radiation health effects are “bi-modal” at certain low dose levels i.e. more harmful than the linear model predicts.  Backhanded support for this challenge to the LNT model comes from a school of thought—“radiation hormesis”—now enjoying a certain vogue in the pro-nuclear crowd in Japan, that draws on the experience of inhabitants of Ramsar, a community of the Caspian Sea with high background radiation levels and low cancer rates, to argue that low levels of radiation are beneficial.

Challengers to the LNT model seem to be making some headway—the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists recently devoted a special issue to the subject—but there is considerable resistance to qualifying LNT and thereby admitting the possibility of rethinking and perhaps acknowledging the likelihood of extensive health problems from the release of low-level radiation by a nuclear accident.  

Cleanup for a nuclear accident is expensive.  In an ironic recapitulation of the uncertainty surrounding the magnitude and destination of Fukushima’s radiation releases, the total cleanup bill has been estimated in a range from $10 billion to $50 billion to $250 billion. 

To paraphrase Everett Dirksen, ten billion here, ten billion there, pretty soon you’re talking about real money and the possibility that even rare and occasional nuclear accidents will push up the total cost of nuclear power to unacceptable levels.  

Understandably, the nuclear industry and people who have staked their hopes on nuclear power as a greenhouse-gas free alternative to carbon-based electricity generation resist the idea of expanding the accepted definition of significant radiation-related health effects, and with it the cost of any accident.

There is also, perhaps, the temptation to let the radiation illness problem take care of itself i.e. shy away from investigations of radiation sickness that might yield inconvenient or perhaps politically or financially catastrophic conclusions while demographics does its grim work of culling the irradiated herd.

The sailors of the Ronald Reagan may not make a lot of headway with their legal challenge; but expect the scientific, popular, and political clamor concerning radiation-related illness to increase.


Sunday, March 11, 2007

Power Surge: US Aircraft Carrier Pays Port Call on Hong Kong

Update: Further Mr. Tsui's comment, obviously, the main audience for the Ronald Reagan is the Chinese leadership in Beijing, and not the wharf rats of Hong Kong.

I think it’s worth noting that this kind of firepower is only suited for total war against a hostile state, and the only viable candidates in Asia are China and North Korea:

"The RRSG is comprised of Commander, Carrier Strike Group (CCSG) 7, Carrier Air Wing (CVW) 14, Destroyer Squadron (DESRON) 7, the nuclear-powered aircraft carrier Ronald Reagan, the guided-missile cruiser USS Lake Champlain (CG 57), the guided-missile destroyers USS Russell (DDG 59) and USS Paul Hamilton (DDG 60), and Explosive Ordnance Disposal Unit 11, Det. 15. USS Greenville (SSN 772) is also accompanying the RRSG on its visit to Hong Kong. More than 6,000 Sailors are currently assigned to RRSG."


It’s kind of hard to explain why the ping-pong cravings of the PLA and the needs of Hong Kong stray dogs demanded this show of force.

Cognitive dissonance sets in, which the Navy does its best to dispel.

The US government offers its justification for why the Ronald Reagan Carrier Strike Group was rushed out of San Diego:

Currently in the U.S. 7th Fleet’s area of responsibility (AOR) as part of a surge deployment to promote peace, cooperation and stability in the region, the Ronald Reagan Carrier Strike Group (CSG) is commanded by Rear Adm. Charles W. Martoglio. Homeported in San Diego, Ronald Reagan is the Navy’s newest Nimitz-class aircraft carrier.“Our goal is to maintain and strengthen our alliances and friendships in the Pacific region,” said Martoglio. “This deployment to the Western Pacific is a visible demonstration of the United States’ commitment to Japan and our other allies, friends, and coalition partners in the region. The United States Navy has and will continue to maintain a persistent forward presence in support of our treaty obligations, regional security, security of the maritime commons, and provision of humanitarian assistance and disaster relief.

The Navy is always hunting for plausible reasons why a carrier strike group—the ultimate expression of intimidating US power--should be hanging around a foreign country, instead of bottled up in its home port.

Captain Neil May, operations and planning officer for the US Pacific Fleet, floated some ideas, courtesy of GWOT (the Global War on Terror):

“The skill sets required for combating international terrorist organizations involve techniques analogous to old-fashioned beat cops walking the neighborhood,” said May. “The strike group conducts missions, like approach operations, EMIO (expanded maritime interdiction operations), and 'meals on keels' to get out in the sea-going community and try to learn firsthand what is going on in the neighborhood. By gaining the trust of the locals, we may be able to gather valuable information needed for us to find, and stop, the ‘bad actors.’ Maintaining a strong military presence in the world’s potential hot spots is very important for stability.”


What’s an approach exercise?

“Basically, it’s about visiting local mariners and collecting information.”Rigid-hull inflatable boats from each of the three ships took turns making approaches on Preble. “When we do approach ops, our intentions are not to board other vessels,” said Chief Quartermaster (SW) Bryan Cain. “We just pull up on the side and ask them how they are doing, then we ask the basic questions we need to know. If we get invited on board, the boarding officer will have a translator with him and go aboard non-aggressively.”

In other words: Aircraft Carrier Strike Groups—they’re not just for total war anymore.

Trouble is, sending a 100,000-ton displacement aircraft carrier with its full complement of destroyers, subs, etc. to police East Asia is like sending a forty-ton battle tank instead of a police car into a neighborhood.




The nuclear aircraft carrier Ronald Reagan is paying a port call in Hong Kong.

I have no insight as to whether the original scheduling of the port call was related to the upcoming Hong Kong elections.

However, showing the flag as a demonstration of power projection in Asian ports has been a been going on since the days of America’s Great White Fleet at the end of the 19th century, and in appearances by British gunboats in Chinese waters long before that.

There is always some strategic agenda involved beyond giving a shot in the arm to the local economy by giving US sailors an opportunity to sightsee, eat, drink, shop, and fornicate on shore.

The dispatch of the U.S. hospital ship Comfort to South America, for instance, is unambiguously a piece of hearts-and-minds outreach meant to burnish President Bush’s image ahead of a difficult trip down there.

The worst thing a superpower can do in these kinds of situations is not show up when it is expected, and I suppose we should be thankful that, in the midst of the commitments and distractions that are spreading our military so thin, the United States was able to demonstrate to China that we do have a carrier group available for action in the Pacific.

With the Kitty Hawk out of action for maintenance in Japan (it is due to be retired next year and replaced by the nuclear powered George Washington as America’s only “forward deployed” carrier based outside the US), the Nimitz preparing to relieve the Eisenhower in the Gulf, the Stennis already bound for the Gulf, and, as far as I can tell, every other carrier unavailable for reasons of maintenance or training, it was apparently deemed necessary to get the Ronald Reagan out to sea quickly so that the U.S. Navy could succor Hong Kong’s orphans, handicapped, and lovable stray dogs:

While in Hong Kong, 250 crew members will take part in 10 community relations projects March 8–9, to include assisting at orphanages and rehabilitation centers as well as working at a dog rescue facility.

In fact, the Reagan was hurriedly dispatched from San Diego on January 28 to fill the slot in the Pacific normally filled by the John Stennis, which, as noted above, was sent to the Persian Gulf.

After two weeks of frenetic preparation by its crew, the aircraft carrier Ronald Reagan glided away from its North Island pier yesterday morning on an unusual “surge” deployment to the western Pacific Ocean.

As one can see, “surge” is very much the term du jour for America’s military planners.

In what may be a piece of bad news for soldiers serving in Iraq, a “surge” seems to mean a “sudden deployment”, not necessarily a temporary one.

In 2006, before it achieved global notoriety, the Navy was using the term “surge” for its carrier groups, as in:

Stennis was certified surge ready, meaning the ship will have to maintain a high state of readiness in case of an unscheduled deployment.

In this case, it refers to deploying aircraft carriers on an ad hoc basis—so that as many as six can be at sea in thirty days--instead of scheduling them according to a rigid plan, which traditionally made two carriers available at any time.

What is interesting about the Ronald Reagan’s visit is that the U.S. scrambled to put a carrier into the Western Pacific to impress the locals with the majesty of American arms or, at the very least, convince them that we had enough carriers to go around—and retain our jealously-guarded status as the Pacific Ocean’s blue-water top cop--even if we got involved in another hot war in the Middle East.