Showing posts with label Vallandigham. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Vallandigham. Show all posts

Monday, November 18, 2013

The Red Womb of Empire



Reflections on the Gettysburg Address and the Civil War

Abraham Lincoln was a fine man, a skillful politician, and a great president.  Freed the slaves, of course.  His address at the dedication of the military cemetery in Gettysburg on November 19, 1863--150 years ago today--is magnificent and heartfelt oratory.

It is also a determined piece of goalpost shifting designed to cope with the fact that Lincoln's Civil War was a bloody, improvised botch that he rescued by abandoning the positions that had won him the Presidency…

…and by redefining not only that war, but all American wars to come.

Lincoln, as is well known, was no abolitionist in 1860 (i.e. he had no plans to change the status of slaves inside the current slave-holding states).  He ran for president on the Republican ticket on a platform of halting the expansion of slavery into the territories, something that the Southern-centric administration of James Buchanan and the deadlocked US Congress had been unable to achieve.

Southern arrogance, presumption, and scheming historically relied on the belief that the North lacked both the will and the means to do anything except bargain away its free-soil convictions when faced with serial Southern extortion by threat of secession.  When Lincoln won re-election, the South concluded that Northern forbearance was at an end, and decided to finally make good on its threats.

Southern confidence at secession was bolstered by slave state gains in the 1850s: the Dred Scott decision overturning the Missouri Compromise restrictions on territorial slavery as unconstitutional, the success of Southern intransigence over the Kansas issue in obtaining Buchanan’s recognition of a fraudulent pro-slavery Kansas constitution, the superior ability of the Southern cotton economy to weather the Panic of 1857, and the political dominance of a militant and confrontational anti-North/pro-slavery consensus in the South.  

Before Lincoln’s inauguration, with secession abrewin’, Kentucky’s John Crittenden tried to broker a compromise that would have extended the 36 degree 30 minute latitude line (the southern border of Missouri and the demarcation line for slavery in the Louisiana Territory since 1830) out to the California border.

Lincoln rejected the compromise, since the extended line would have permitted slavery in New Mexico, Oklahoma, and Arizona.  He had run on a platform of restricting slavery in the territories, not expanding it, and was understandably loath to abandon his platform and his deeply held convictions even before he took office.

The South’s response to the Lincoln challenge to its political grip in Washington and over national slave policy in the territories was a wave of southern state secessions initiated by South Carolina even before Lincoln was inaugurated.

Ironically—an irony little acknowledged in the universal hagiography surrounding Lincoln and his prosecution of the Civil War—southern secession and the departure of the obstreperous southern delegations from Washington and their enablers from the White House basically assured that in 1860 the disposition of the remaining territories would be determined by the anti-slavery, North-dominated government without the need for a civil war.

Indeed, a Congress freed of Southern disruption was something of a progressive Golden Age, as the Federal government legislated a slew of “national improvements” and social legislation—including, of course, prohibition of slavery in the territories-- that the southern delegations had always blocked as favoring the integrated economies of the north at the expense of the Cotton Kingdom.

Alternative scenarios for a Confederate States of America allowed to secede abound, no doubt. 

It can be said with some confidence that the South would have done rather well, perhaps successfully executing filibusters like the seizure of Cuba (a plan supported by President Buchanan and thwarted only by the sabotage of Northern anti-slavery zealots) as part of a new slave empire, the promotion of slavery-friendly coup d’etats in Central American states like Nicaragua (William Walker, the entrepreneur of Nicaraguan regime change, was a Southern darling), and annexation of more of Mexico.

The North probably also would have done reasonably well, thanks to its diversified economy and the discovery of gold in California.  Foreign trade would have taken a huge knock, at least in the short term (cotton exports were the mainstay of US exports and, indirectly, through the tariff on goods purchased overseas with cotton revenues, served as the foundation of federal government finance as well).  

It can also be said with some confidence that the United States would not have tried to hollow out the southern slave economy by offering free refuge to southern slaves fleeing the CSA.  The northern anti-slavery platform was an expression of the desire to keep slave labor bottled up in its southeastern homeland, and prevent the establishment of slave economies in new territories that would close off opportunities to white labor. 

Maybe the CSA slave economy would have persisted into the 20th century; maybe a domestic reform movement would have mediated a transition to a post-slavery economy; maybe a titanic rebellion would have brought a bloody end to the unjust Confederate regime. 

Really can’t say.

In any case, Abe didn’t let ‘em go.  After making sure that the CSA fired the first shot at Fort Sumter, Lincoln sent his armies into the South.

In 1860, both sides had the expectation of some sort of sharp, decisive military confrontation: either a Northern triumph that would discredit the CSA as a viable nation and bring the seceding states back into the Union, or convincing Southern victories that would demonstrate to the Union, Great Britain, and France that the CSA could hold its own in a defensive war and should be allowed to depart the Union.